Focus on Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations and Middle East peace.
"Chronology: Arab-Israeli Conflict." The Middle East Journal 64, no. 2 (April 1, 2010): 269-271.
The United Nations Human Rights Council voted to endorse a report containing evidence of war crimes committed by the Israel Defense Force (IDF) and Hamas militants during Israel's 2008-2009 invasion of Gaza. Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu announced a ten-month restriction on new settlement construction in the West Bank, excluding "natural growth," under intense pressure from the US which was aimed at restarting peace talks with the Palestinians. According to Israel's Housing Ministry, this was the first time that Netanyahu had approved plans for new construction in East Jerusalem.
Arrigo, B. "Identity, International Terrorism and Negotiating Peace: Hamas and Ethics-Based Considerations from Critical Restorative Justice." The British Journal of Criminology 50, no. 4 (July 1, 2010): 772.
This paper conceptually examines one specific case of international terrorism, including the emergence and maintenance of membership-allegiance in its militant extremist group. This is the case of the Islamic Resistance Movement (or Hamas) and the manifestation of its corresponding Palestinian identity. Although the social person is constituted by symbols and objects, acts and social acts, meanings, and role-taking and role-making, questions persist about how best to promote peaceful coexistence, advance the interests of non-violence and ensure the protection of basic human rights. These practices constitute an ethic grounded in Aristotelian virtue. The delineation of key principles emanating from critical restorative justice helps to specify this brand of moral reasoning. The integration of these principles with the proposed symbolic interactionist framework demonstrates how extremist violence can be mediated. Suggestive examples of the same involving Hamas and those with whom it struggles (Palestine, Israel and the United States) are used to guide the analysis. The proposed conceptual framework is then briefly assessed for its overall explanatory capabilities, especially in relation to furthering terrorism studies.
Asali, M. "JEWISH-ARAB WAGE GAP: WHAT ARE THE CAUSES?" Defence and Peace Economics 21, no. 4 (August 1, 2010): 367.
Using a panel of cross sections, this study measures wage differentials between Israeli-Arab and Jewish workers between 1991 and 2003. The wage gap is then decomposed into components corresponding to human capital, occupational segregation, selectivity, and a residual (unexplained gap). The study shows large fluctuations in the wage gap, almost doubling in the last decade, reaching 75% in 1999. Because sudden changes in the underlying characteristics of the populations are not likely, a large part of the level and changes in the wage gap were captured by the residual - possibly one of the implications of the ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Byman, D. "How to Handle Hamas." Foreign Affairs 89, no. 5 (September 1, 2010): 45-62.
The biggest obstacle to peace between the Israelis and the Palestinians is not the Palestinians' demand that Jewish settlements in the West Bank be dismantled, the barrier separating much of the West Bank from Israel, or the recent rightward shift of the Israeli body politic. It is the emergence of Hamas as the de facto government of the Gaza Strip, where 1.5 million Palestinians reside. Hamas has regularly attacked Israel with rockets from Gaza or allowed others to do so. Many Hamas members have not reconciled themselves to the Jewish state's existence. Despite Hamas' centrality to Israeli security and Palestinian politics, Washington still clings to the policy that the Bush administration established after Hamas beat more moderate Fatah candidates in elections in Gaza in 2006. Peace talks can begin with Hamas on the sidelines, but they cannot finish if Hamas refuses to play ball. Hamas has proved that it has the means to threaten Israel and disrupt peace talks.
Fayad, N., C. Lerhman, E. Norris, S. Lippai, and H. White. "RECENT PUBLICATIONS." The Middle East Journal 64, no. 3 (July 1, 2010): 502-507.
The Arab- Israeli conflict and peace process has been one of the most strongly debated issues among European Union (EU) Member States and a high priority on the European foreign policy agenda. By analyzing European efforts regarding the peace process from the beginning of the integration process to the present, Musu identifies the factors and interests that shape the EU's Middle East policy and questions the Member States' commitment to harmonize and implement their different political, economic, and strategic interests in the region. The story traces the familial, physical, and emotional loss experienced by Amal's family, struggle for survival spanning over sixty years of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and the transformative nature of marriage, motherhood, and love. The 15 contributors in this volume examine the relationship between Israel's security and civilian sectors since 1948.\n Author Giancarlo Casale argues that the Ottoman Empire shared four key characteristics with European countries, such as Portugal and Spain, which in the 16th century, explored the outside world via seafaring ships in an unprecedented way.
Freedman, R. "The Much Too Promised Land: America's Elusive Search for Arab-Israeli Peace." Review. Shofar 28, no. 3 (April 1, 2010): 173-176.
The final section of the book deals with U.S. President Bill Clinton, who failed in his efforts to achieve peace between Israel and both Syria and the Palestinians, and President George W. Bush who, according to Miller, did not try very hard to achieve an Israeli-Palestinian peace agreement. Miller also deplores the fact that U.S. officials never had a tough or honest conversation with the Israelis on settlement activity, that the U.S. never placed any costs on Arafat for indulging the Palestinian terrorist groups, Hamas and Islamic Jihad, and never imposed penalties on Syria for its failure to practice public diplomacy with Israel.
Gesser-Edelsburg, A., N. Guttman, and M. Israelashvili. "An Entertainment-Education Study of Secondary Delegitimization in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." Peace & Conflict 16, no. 3 (July 1, 2010): 253.
An important goal in educational initiatives that aim to promote peace in the Israeli- Palestinian conflict is overcoming mutual delegitimization. The drama Plonter (or "serious mishap" in Hebrew) aims to address a more subtle phenomenon referred to as "secondary delegitimization" (i.e., delegitimization among people who consider themselves supporters of human rights and do not recognize how they, in fact, contribute to delegitimization of the adversary group). Drawing on entertainment-education theory, this study examined the strategies the drama used to achieve this goal, and the responses of its viewers (n = 286) measured before and after they viewed the drama. Findings indicate that the drama employed two main strategies: humor and an attempt to elicit identification. Viewers' attitudes toward the issues addressed indicated a lack of consistency in their preliminary attitudes regarding human rights. After viewing the drama, a statistically significant shift toward enhanced legitimization of Palestinians' rights was evident among those who identified themselves as holding "leftist" attitudes. Possible bases for this type of secondary delegitimization, an elaboration of the construct, and potential ways to counter it through peace education initiatives are considered. Benefits and potential pitfalls of using the strategic combination of humor, personalization, and drama to get viewers to recognize their internal self-contradictions are also discussed.
Gordon, U. "Against the Wall: Anarchist Mobilization in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." Peace & Change 35, no. 3 (July 1, 2010): 412-433.
Anarchists Against the Wall is an Israeli action group supporting the popular Palestinian struggle against segregation and land confiscation in the West Bank. Incorporating participant observation and recent theories of social movements and anarchism, this article offers a thick cultural account of the group's mobilization dynamics, and assesses the achievements and limitations of the joint struggle. Three dimensions--direct action, bi-nationalism, and leadership--highlight the significance of anarchist practices and discourses to an informed assessment of the group's politics of nonviolent resistance. The effectiveness of the campaign is then examined, calling attention to the distinction among immediate, medium-term, and revolutionary goals.
Litvak-Hirsch, T., J. Chaitin, and E. Zaher. "Perceptions of the Holocaust of Palestinian Young Adults, Citizens of Israel." Peace & Conflict 16, no. 3 (July 1, 2010): 231.
A largely neglected area of study in the field of trauma and its effects is the way a collective trauma of a majority group influences a minority group that lives in the same region. Such an investigation is especially relevant within the context of the Palestinian- Israeli conflict concerning the Holocaust-the defining trauma of Jewish Israelis. This pilot study focused on the thoughts, feelings, and interpretations concerning the Holocaust of 56 young adults, Palestinian citizens in Israel. The semi-structured questionnaires and interviews demonstrate that the young adults express an inherent conflict when dealing with the Holocaust-one that emanates from the tension that exists between universalistic and particularistic interpretations of the Holocaust within the Palestinian narrative. At the universalistic end of the continuum, the Holocaust is acknowledged as a crime against humanity; whereas, at the particularistic end of the continuum, the Holocaust is interpreted through political lenses of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Understanding the complexity of these perceptions and feelings toward the Holocaust expressed by Palestinian citizens of Israel might help in developing better relationships between the two groups.
Loder, D. "Branch helps Palestinian children." Peace and Freedom 70, no. 1 (April 1, 2010): 7.
When asked what they wanted most, children at a refugee school in Gaza quickly answered: "Water to drink." That answer was not lost on members of WILPF's Philadelphia Branch, where "Water for the Children of Gaza" is an attempt by the Middle East and Save the Water committees to provide just that.
Gaza has experienced a water problem since 1948 when 30,000 refugees poured into Gaza. There is only one water source here - the Gaza Aquifer, which is near the sea and prone to becoming brackish and producing water that is not potable. With the Israeli invasion in December/January 2009 (which destroyed the infrastructure of Gaza) and now Israel's blockade of Gaza's borders which precludes building supplies from getting in, the clean water problem is dire.
Last year the Philadelphia branch hosted a dinner meeting with Hanan Awwad, president of WTLPF Palestine Branch, where she told of the difficulties of life in Palestine. Later, the Save the Water Committee got in touch with her, and she wrote back that the clean water work "is very important" and that her branch was "ready to help make it possible."
Marshall, R. "Obama Sends a Warning to Israel-But With No "Or Else"." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 29, no. 5 (July 1, 2010): 8-10.
[..] couples may no longer live together, which means that wives and husbands must separate, and parents must often leave their children. Since neither the permit nor the requirements for obtaining one were specified, the Israelis can also use the order to get rid of anyone they don't like, including international peace activists, foreigners considered critical of Israel, and Palestinian advocates of nonviolent resistance.
Marshall, R. "Obama's Patience With Israel Finally Cracks." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 29, no. 4 (May 1, 2010): 7-9.
[..] the fabled Mossad was no match for the Dubai police, which produced a 27-minute video showing the faces of 26 of the conspirators, many of them wearing obviously fake beards and wigs. Because the suspects carried false British, French, Irish, German and Australian passports using the names of Israelis with dual citizenship in those countries, they had engaged in identity theft, a crime that goes to the heart of any security system.
Mead, W. "Recent Books on International Relations: The United States: Henry Clay: The Essential American." Foreign Affairs 89, no. 5 (September 1, 2010): 159.
The biggest obstacle to peace between the Israelis and the Palestinians is not the Palestinians' demand that Jewish settlements in the West Bank be dismantled, the barrier separating much of the West Bank from Israel, or the recent rightward shift of the Israeli body politic. It is the emergence of Hamas as the de facto government of the Gaza Strip, where 1.5 million Palestinians reside. Hamas has regularly attacked Israel with rockets from Gaza or allowed others to do so. It poses a strong and growing political threat to the more moderate Palestinian Authority. Hamas is here to stay. Refusing to deal with it will only make the situation worse: Palestinian moderates will become weaker, and Hamas will grow stronger. If the Obama administration is to move its plans for peace forward, the challenge of Hamas has to be met first. At stake is not just the failure of the peace process but also the possibility of another war and of Israel occupying Gaza again.
Miller, A. "THE FALSE RELIGION OF MIDEAST PEACE." Foreign Policy no. 179 (May 1, 2010): 50-57,10.
America had used its power to make war, and now, perhaps, it could use that power to make peace. In both its secular and religious manifestations, faith is alluring and seductive precisely because it's driven by propositions that bind or adhere the believer to a compelling set of ideas that satisfy rationally or spiritually, but always obligate. Barack Obama is the latest convert, and by all accounts he became a zealous believer, vowing within days of his inauguration to actively and aggressively seek a tasting peace between Israel and the Palestinians, as well as Israel and its Arab neighbors. That Obama came out louder, harder, and faster on the Arab-Israeli issue than any of his predecessors was a remarkable testament to just how enduring that faith had become. The peace-process creed has endured so long because to a large degree it has made sense and accorded with US interests.
Peri, Y. "Israel at 62." The Wilson Quarterly 34, no. 3 (July 1, 2010): 56-61.
Yet 62 years after the birth of Israel, threats still abound. Since the collapse of the Oslo peace process at the Camp David summit in 2000, more than a thousand Israelis and thousands of Palestinians have been killed. Since the elections last year, more attempts have been made to limit the rights of Israeli Arabs and even to expel them from Israel, restrict the operations of civil rights organizations, limit freedom of expression, and curtail judicial review by the Supreme Court.\n Its public life remains lively, teeming with activist organizations and civic groups.
Pinson, H., G. Levy, and Z. Soker. "Peace as a surprise, peace as a disturbance: the Israeli-Arab conflict in official documents." Educational Review 62, no. 3 (August 1, 2010): 255.
The main question that is discussed in this paper is the way in which the Ministry of Education in Israel dealt with the changes in the political reality, and the shift from violent relations towards the possibility of peace agreements between Israel and its neighbours and the Palestinians. Drawing on the analysis of official documents - Director General Directives (DGDs) - this paper asks how the possibility for peace was understood by the Ministry of Education and how the role of the education system and educators was defined. It also asks to what extent changes in the political reality have altered the dominant discourses (militarism and peace-loving society) while making room for a more positive form of peace education. The analysis reveals that the changes in political reality have led to the articulation of two unique responses, alongside the dominant discourses. They are peace as a surprise and peace as a disturbance. This paper focuses on these two responses and the ways in which they correspond to the militaristic culture and the image of Israel as a peace-loving society, and how they might shape peace education.
Reich, W. "The Despair of Zion." The Wilson Quarterly 34, no. 3 (July 1, 2010): 48-55.
[..] they've grown accustomed to media controlled by the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank that regularly undermine the readiness to accept Israel alongside a future Palestinian state- that glorify suicide bombers, quote Muhammad as saying that Jews must be killed, accuse Israelis of poisoning and spreading AIDS among Palestinians, deny that the Holocaust happened, claim that Jews never had a history in the land and that there was never any Temple in Jerusalem, and insist that Jews should leave the area and go back to their "original" homelands- Europe and Ethiopia. Israelis might feel reassured that peace is possible if it were promoted in the Palestinian Authority's education system; even if the current Palestinian generation isn't ready to accept the Jewish state, maybe a future one will.\n In the years after 9/11, the most common American explanation for Islamic terrorism was poverty.
Rubner, M. "Israel and Palestine: Reappraisals, Revisions, Refutations." Review. Middle East Policy 17, no. 1 (April 1, 2010): 157-160.
The main themes of Shlaim 's revisionist historiography are clearly laid out in the introduction to the volume: * In the aftermath of the Holocaust, Jews earned the right to national self-determination in part of Palestine. * Though legal, the creation of Israel in 1948 resulted in a terrible injustice to the Palestinians, who were and are entitled to their own state. * Following the 1967 war, Israel became a colonial power, preferring occupation of the West Bank over peace. * Shunning diplomacy and relying almost exclusively on military force, Israel is primarily responsible for the perpetuation and escalation of its conflict with the Palestinians and the Arab states. Golda Meir is accused of personifying "the most paranoid, aggressive and racist attitudes of the Zionist movement when it came to dealing with the Arabs"; Ariel Sharon "personified the most brutal, colonial, reactionary and racist trends in Zionism"; Israel has become "a rogue state with an 'utterly unscrupulous set of leaders'"; and Benny Morris "is in danger of becoming what Isaiah Berlin once described as *a very rare thing - a genuine charlatan.'" In a volume containing essays that were written over a period of two decades, overlapping coverage and repetition of material are inevitable.
Seale, P. "Rumors of War." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 29, no. 5 (July 1, 2010): 22,26.
An unnamed Israeli minister was quoted by Britain's Sunday Times as saying that, if Hezbollah dared to launch a missile at Israel, "we will return Syria to the Stone Age-crippling its power stations, ports, fuel storage and every bit of strategic infrastructure." [..] by threatening its neighbors with war, Binyamin Netanyahu's right-wing government seems anxious to shift Washington's attention away from the Israeli-Palestinian peace process and toward an alleged threat from Iran, Syria and Hezbollah.
Shalom, S. "Palling Around with Terrorists: Obama and the Israel-Palestine Conflict." New Politics 13, no. 1 (July 1, 2010): 32-38.
[..] in his first month, Obama decided to visit the headquarters ofthe Caterpillar Corporation and sing their praises, even though church groups, human rights organizations, and peace activists urged him not to do so given that Caterpillar was in violation of international law and basic morality in selling armored bulldozers to Israel used to smash Palestinian homes and olive groves as part of Israel's colonization of the occupied territories. [..] the United States will continue its long-term policy of palling around with terrorists, the terrorists who lead the Israeli state.
Shemesh, M. "On Two Parallel Tracks-The Secret Jordanian-Israeli Talks (July 1967-September 1973)1." Israel Studies 15, no. 3 (October 1, 2010): 87-120,203.
The secret talks between Jordan and Israel began in 1963 and continued until the two countries signed the peace treaty in 1994. The talks are unique in the history of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The post-Six-Day War talks were held on two tracks: one between Yaakov Herzog, the Director of the PM's office and Zayd al-Rifa'i, King Hussein's private secretary; the second, on a higher level, between Israeli ministers Yigal Allon and Abba Eban and the king. The two sides moved on parallel lines that could never meet. Constraints on both sides contributed to the inevitable logjam. The king genuinely hoped to reach a peace with Israel based on the principles of the Arab Summit and his talks with Nasser. Israel, on the other hand, was reluctant to commit itself to enter into peace negotiations with Jordan, avoiding serious discussion on the principles of peace. Instead it presented the Allon Plan for discussion with the king. Thus, the gap in the positions on the talks' goals, in the components of the solution to the conflict and the peace settlement was unbridgeable. Despite this impasse both parties felt it was in their common interest to pursue the talks, which became a goal in itself. The gap was not only in the concept of peace and talks' objectives, but in all core issues related to peace, such as the territorial issue, especially the status of Jerusalem, and interpretation of UNSCR 242. With hindsight, the core issues in the solution to the West Bank remain unchanged, but the Palestinians replaced Jordan as the main Arab party to determining the future of the West Bank.
Taft, B. "The Haiti/Gaza Connection: The Politics Behind the Disasters." Peace and Freedom 70, no. 1 (April 1, 2010): 11.
It's all well and good that Israel rushed to help victims of the Haitian earthquake, but while they were saving Uves in Haiti, Israel was bombing Gaza and taking lives there. The actions of the Israeli government are bringing about more misery for the Gazan people, their own immediate neighbors. And that man-made disaster is of Israel's own making. It is part of an ongoing effort by Israel to divide the Palestinian people and make an independent Palestinian state totally impossible to achieve. Although Gaza has taken the brunt of the attacks since the elections in which Hamas was democratically chosen to lead the Palestinian government, we cannot forget the militaristic and destructive Israeli policies against Palestinians both in the West Bank and in Israel.
It's time to end the siege of Gaza, to end the crippling sanctions. It's time for the parties - Israel, Fatah in the West Bank, and the elected Hamas government in Gaza-to begin recovery by sincerely working for peace. The people of Gaza are no less in need of aid than those of Haiti. They, too, need a better quality of life. We ask you to join the WILPF Middle East Committee's campaign to End the Siege of Gaza.
Anonymous. "Chronology: Israel." The Middle East Journal 64, no. 2 (April 1, 2010): 286-288.
American-born Jack Teitel was charged with the murders of a Palestinian taxi driver and a Palestinian shepherd, the bombing of an Israeli professor's home, sending a booby-trapped gift basket to a family of Messianic Jews, and attacking police on numerous occasions. Defense Minister Ehud Barak and opposition leader Tzipi Livni criticized the bill, saying that the referendum law restricted the government's ability to negotiate with Syria and gave the impression that Israel was opposed to making peace with neighboring countries.
Anonymous. "Chronology: Israel." The Middle East Journal 64, no. 3 (July 1, 2010): 463-464.
Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu said that various Jewish settlements in the West Bank remained under Israeli control, as US Special Envoy to the Middle East George Mitchell met separately with Israeli and Palestinian leaders across the region to initiate negotiations. The US government requested that Israel agree to a four-month settlement construction freeze - a time frame the Arab League had designated as a prerequisite for indirect peace talks - in East Jerusalem in return for US aid in pressuring Palestinian President Mahmud 'Abbas to participate in direct discussions with Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu.
Anonymous. "Chronology: Syria." The Middle East Journal 64, no. 3 (July 1, 2010): 473-474.
The crown held pictures of Hamas leaders, waved Syrian and Palestinian flags, and shouted anti-Israel slogans. Arab leaders at a summit in Libya did not reach a consensus about whether Palestinians should proceed with halted peace talks with Israel; another summit was scheduled by the Arab League for later in the year.
Anonymous. "Letters to the Editor." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 29, no. 4 (May 1, 2010): 5-6.
Rethinking Mideast Policy Thank you very much for the articles that appeared in the March 2010 Washington Report: "U.S. Placates Israel and Opens New War Front While Ignoring Palestinians," "The Twin Challenges of Terror and Israel," "Israel Responds to Palestinian Nonviolence with Violence and Repression," and "How President Obama Can Earn His Nobel Peace Prize." An illegal war of aggression on Iraq, black site prisons, kidnappings, torture, extrajudicial killings and full support of Israel as it massacres civilians in Lebanon and Gaza.
Anonymous. "SO WHY HAVE WE FAILED?" Foreign Policy no. 179 (May 1, 2010): 58-59.
More than 60 years after Israel's stunning victory in the 1948 war that birthed the Jewish state, an end to the world's most exasperating conflict seems more distant than ever. Pres Barack Obama is trying to drag both sides kicking and screaming to the negotiating table after nearly a decade of no progress. The authors asked leading Americans, Israelis, and Palestinians who've tried and failed to make peace to answer three crucial questions: What have you learned, who's primarily to blame, and what's your out-of-the-box idea to solve the conflict? This article presents excerpts from what they answered.
Anonymous. "Should the U.S. Impose a Middle East Peace Plan?" The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 29, no. 5 (July 1, 2010): 12-13.
The Palestinians need recognition of the role of Israel and its pre-state Zionist groups in generating their exile and refugeehood in 1947-48; resolution of this problem through implementing international law and U.N. resolutions on refugee compensation, restitution, return, resettlement and other options, in a negotiated manner acceptable to and respecting the bottom line needs of both sides; and, ending the occupation of 1967 and the creation of a viable and truly sovereign Palestinian state. [..] any plan proposed by the United States and the international community that hopes to have a chance of success must be anchored firmly in the dictates of international law and legitimacy, not in the current power balance or the domestic political pressures of Israel or an Israeli-manipulated American Congress.
Anonymous. "What Are Friends For?" Commonweal 137, no. 12 (June 18, 2010): 5.
Since it took office, the Obama administration has been trying to get Israel to the negotiating table with the Palestinian Authority to hammer out steps toward the elusive "two-state solution." [..] Cordesman writes, "Israel's government should act on the understanding that the long'term nature of the U.S.Israel strategic relationship will depend on Israel clearly and actively seeking peace with the Palestinians - the kind of peace that is in Israel's own strategic interests."
Anonymous. "Is a Two-State Solution Still Possible?" The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 29, no. 5 (July 1, 2010): 14-16.
Ethnic cleansing would guarantee that Greater Israel retains a Jewish majority, but that murderous strategy would do enormous damage to Israel's moral fabric, to its relationship with Jews in the Diaspora, and to its international standing. To mention just one: the apartheid regime was finally brought down not by international pressure, but by the massive and crippling strikes of the black work force. In this country, the occupation authorities do everything to prevent Palestinians from coming to work in Israel. In the end, it is a matter of logic: if international pressure does not succeed in convincing the Israelis to accept the two-state solution, which does no harm to their national identity, how will it compel them to give up everything they have-their state, their identity, their culture, their economy, all they have built in a huge endeavor of 120 years?