Open Topic: Peace Studies.
Konai Helu Thaman. "Teacher capacities for working towards peace and sustainable development." International Journal of Sustainability in Higher Education 11, no. 4 (October 1, 2010): 353-364.
The purpose of this paper is to highlight the importance of values and beliefs rooted in "non-Western" cultures in implementing global education initiatives such as education for sustainable development (ESD) at the regional and local levels. This is because many of these initiatives are often derived from "Western" cultures and values. Also to reaffirm the importance for educators to respect and use local and indigenous ways of life and knowledge systems in order to make teaching and learning more relevant and meaningful for Pacific students; and to advocate for the development of teachers' capacities to better contextualize their teaching and create more culturally inclusive learning environments. Design/methodology/approach - Informed by the findings of her research on cultural values, educational ideas and teachers' role perception in Tonga, plus her work as the UNESCO Chair in Teacher Education and Culture at the University of South Pacific, the author presents her reflections on the need to further enhance teachers and teacher educators in the Pacific region. Findings - The findings suggests that teacher education programmes that are designed to cultivate teachers' cultural competence may better contribute to making Pacific education more relevant and effective. Originality/value - The ESD discourse often attaches importance to traditional and indigenous knowledge, but there is limited literature discussing how and for what purposes indigenous ways of knowing should be integrated into teacher education. This paper challenges the neglect of teachers in the international education reform discourses; points out the vital role of teachers in facilitating educational reforms, and contributes understanding of the types of teacher capacities higher education needs to foster for peace and sustainability through the case of the Pacific region.
Avnery, U. "Negotiating for a Framework Agreement: "The Opposite of a Peace Treaty"." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 29, no. 8 (November 1, 2010): 11-12.
First in the negotiations for the "Declaration of Principles," then in the negotiations for interim agreements, we will sell them again, to be sure, for a third, fourth and fifth time in the negotiations for the permanent agreements. [..] I do not believe that he will sign-and even if he did, that does not mean that he would implement it. [..] I insist: there should be no agreement on a process that is designed to lead to a "declaration of principles" or a "framework agreement."
Barzegar, K. "BALANCE OF POWER IN THE PERSIAN GULF: AN IRANIAN VIEW." Middle East Policy 17, no. 3 (October 1, 2010): 74-87.
According to the traditional definition of balance of power, as supported by the United States and conservative Arab regimes of the Persian Gulf, the Islamic Republic of Iran is the prime source of insecurity in the region, and any regional deterrence policy should focus on preventing threats created by Iranian actions. [..] the establishment of a balance of interests among regional and transregional actors will better serve to brine sustainable peace and security to the Gulf.
Bassir, J. "Yes to a Just Peace." Palestine - Israel Journal of Politics, Economics, and Culture 16, no. 2 (January 1, 2010): 66-68.
Mutual Visions of Peace In spite of the recent war, the views of both sides on how to reach peace do not coincide. [..] as we know, the two sides have been trying to arrive at peace agreements before the war, but to no avail. [..] the people should take it upon themselves to promote reconciliation among themselves; we could, for example, check the areas that were bombed and destroyed by the occupation and visit the other side, the Israeli citizens whose homes were bombed by the Palestinian resistance.
Bosma, L., R. Sieving, A. Ericson, P. Russ, L. Cavender, and M. Bonine. "Elements for Successful Collaboration Between K-8 School, Community Agency, and University Partners:: The Lead Peace Partnership." The Journal of School Health 80, no. 10 (October 1, 2010): 501.
Researchers, schools, and community organizations are increasingly interested in forming partnerships to improve health and learning outcomes for adolescents. School-based service learning programs with young adolescents have been shown to improve students' health and educational outcomes. Quality school-based service learning practice requires partnerships that are collaborative, mutually beneficial, and address community needs. This article examines core elements of a community-school-university partnership engaged in implementing and evaluating Lead Peace, a service learning program for urban middle school youth. The partnership was assessed through (1) semistructured group interviews with program facilitators at each school at the end of the 2006 to 2007 and 2007 to 2008 school years; (2) key informant interviews with school administrators; and (3) participant observations of partnership meetings. Qualitative analysis was conducted to identify common and emerging themes that contribute to the success of the Lead Peace partnership. Ten themes were identified as keys to the success of the Lead Peace partnership: (1) communication; (2) shared decision making; (3) shared resources; (4) expertise and credibility; (5) sufficient time to develop and maintain relationships; (6) champions and patron saints; (7) being present; (8) flexibility; (9) a shared youth development orientation; and (10) recognition of other partners' priorities. Partnerships that are essential to quality service learning practice require deliberate planning and ongoing attention. Elements of the successful Lead Peace partnership may be useful for other collaborators to consider.
Brigham, S. "The American-Soviet Walks: Large-Scale Citizen Diplomacy at Glasnost's Outset." Peace & Change 35, no. 4 (October 1, 2010): 594-625.
Nineteen eighty-seven was a watershed year in the Soviet Union, as Premier Gorbachev's glasnost and perestroika initiatives began to change the face of this closed society. On the citizen diplomacy front, the year featured one of the largest-ever initiatives between American and Soviet citizens, the American-Soviet Walk, the first of numerous walks of that scale to take place in the ensuing years. The five-week walk not only pushed the limits of this fledgling openness and democratization but also tread well beyond the traditional, safe conventions of small-scale citizen exchange. This article explores what made these walks unique, from an unexpectedly large peace rally in Novgorod, to an illegal peace demonstration in Red Square, to public meetings with dissidents. It concludes by exploring the deep cultural differences among the citizen representatives from both countries and whether the walks provide a model for future citizen diplomacy when tensions are high between rival countries.
Burke, E. "FINANCES AND THE OPERATION OF THE ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY IN THE "LYCURGAN ERA"." American Journal of Philology 131, no. 3 (October 1, 2010): 393-423.
Between ca. 336 and 324 B.C.E., state revenues to Athens approximated 1,200 talents per annum. As regular income, this was a sum unprecedented in Greek history. Such revenues again allowed for state pay of an imperial scale: for political and judicial service, for work on a building program, and for naval service. But for Athens, a precondition to sustained prosperity was acquiescence to the Macedonian peace. The thesis here is that the demos, long habituated to the practice of state pay, but without much subsidy for most of the fourth century, voted acquiescence. Political leaders, including Lycurgus, to preserve status, yielded to the demos, at the same time overseeing a program of civic renewal that may have helped veil the reality behind the prosperity.
Butts, R. "The Will to Believe: Woodrow Wilson, World War I, and America's Strategy for Peace and Security." Review. Presidential Studies Quarterly 40, no. 4 (December 1, 2010): 804-805.
All of these by-products of the existing international system caused pacifists and liberal internationalists to think that this would undermine the democratic institutions that had arisen in the United States. Because of the growing interdependence of the worid and technological advances, America would have to abandon its traditional isolation and be drawn into this balance of power system.
Byman, D. "How to Handle Hamas." Foreign Affairs 89, no. 5 (September 1, 2010): 45-62.
The biggest obstacle to peace between the Israelis and the Palestinians is not the Palestinians' demand that Jewish settlements in the West Bank be dismantled, the barrier separating much of the West Bank from Israel, or the recent rightward shift of the Israeli body politic. It is the emergence of Hamas as the de facto government of the Gaza Strip, where 1.5 million Palestinians reside. Hamas has regularly attacked Israel with rockets from Gaza or allowed others to do so. Many Hamas members have not reconciled themselves to the Jewish state's existence. Despite Hamas' centrality to Israeli security and Palestinian politics, Washington still clings to the policy that the Bush administration established after Hamas beat more moderate Fatah candidates in elections in Gaza in 2006. Peace talks can begin with Hamas on the sidelines, but they cannot finish if Hamas refuses to play ball. Hamas has proved that it has the means to threaten Israel and disrupt peace talks.
Colby, J. ""A Chasm of Values and Outlook": The Carter Administration's Human Rights Policy in Guatemala." Peace & Change 35, no. 4 (October 1, 2010): 561-593.
Scholars have often depicted Jimmy Carter's human rights policy as naïve and counterproductive. In doing so, many have pointed to Guatemala, where Carter's policies seemed to alienate the military government without ending its abuses. Yet such critics have failed to acknowledge the obstacles Carter's policy faced as well as its long-term influence on U.S. policy and on Guatemala itself. Drawing upon recently declassified documents, this article explores the challenges the administration's human rights advocates encountered in their attempt to implement Carter's policies. In particular, it emphasizes the resistance of both the U.S. government bureaucracy and Guatemala's military. But it also argues that, despite these difficulties, the Carter administration achieved a shift in U.S.-Guatemalan relations. The legacy of Carter's human rights policy limited Washington's role in the counterinsurgency war and helped push Guatemala toward civilian rule and peace negotiations.
Doenecke, J. "The Will to Believe: Woodrow Wilson, World War I, and America's Strategy for Peace and Security." Review. The Journal of Interdisciplinary History 41, no. 2 (October 1, 2010): 321.
Doenecke reviews The Will to Believe: Woodrow Wilson, World War I, and America's Strategy for Peace and Security by Ross A. Kennedy.
Frank, R. "Securing the Peace: The Durable Settlement of Civil Wars." Review. Political Science Quarterly 125, no. 3 (October 1, 2010): 548-549.
Frank reviews Securing the Peace: The Durable Settlement of Civil Wars by Monica Duffy Toft.
Gunn, G. "Clairmont on Capital Accumulation and Disaccumulation on a World Scale." Review. Journal of Contemporary Asia 40, no. 4 (November 1, 2010): 674.
Gunn reviews Prospects of War and Peace: Reflections on the Global Economic Debacle and Greenspan: The Torments of Contrition by Frederic F. Clairmont.
Hirsch, L. ""Playing for Change": Peace, Universality, and the Street Performer." American Music 28, no. 3 (October 1, 2010): 346.
Playing for Change: Songs Around the World is part of the multimedia project Playing for Change: Peace Through Music. Roger Ridley plays the acoustic guitar and begins to sing his introduction to the famous song "Stand by Me," written by Jerry Leiber and Mike Stoller and popularized by Ben E. King, next to a busy sidewalk in Santa Monica, California. At the opening lyric of the original version--"When the night has come"--Grandpa Elliott, a street musician in New Orleans, fills the screen, matching Ridley's key as he sings over the song's standard chord progression, with its soothing sonic stability, in front of a large fence. The camera alternates between the two African American singers, closing the geographical gap between them with tight camera angles that highlight their closeness not only to each other, but to the audience as well. Grammy-winning music producer and engineer Mark Johnson created this video and larger project in order "to inspire, connect, and bring peace to the world through music." To do this, Playing for Change integrates contradictory resources, ideas, personnel, and technologies significant to our present-day context. Specifically, the project reimagines the street musician in conjunction with a muddy mix of impulses associated with benefit concert activity the unifying aura of world music, and the idea of music as a universal language. In this way, the project signifies a nexus of contested ideas regarding good through music and music as good. Here, Hirsch examines the novelty of the project by examining the genesis of Playing for Change, its models, how it diverts from these models through the use of the street performer, as well as the paradoxes of its idealist aspirations.
Kainth, K. "AMAF Hosts Forum for New Perspectives on Afghanistan." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 29, no. 7 (September 1, 2010): 57-58.
The new Afghan government established by the peace jirga is a "cleptocracy, not a democracy" according to Indiana University Prof. Nazif Shahrani, who spoke about "Afghanistan's Puzzling Future" at the American Muslim Alliance (AMA) Foundation's monthly policy forum at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington, DC on July 12. The country's governmental structure is, in Shahrani's view, a "product of an inappropriate constitutional framework" with a "hyper-centralized executive system," especially "for a war-torn, multiethnic society such as Afghanistan's."
Kartomi, M. "Toward a Methodology of War and Peace Studies in Ethnomusicology: The Case of Aceh, 1976-2009." Ethnomusicology 54, no. 3 (October 1, 2010): 452.
Kartomi aims to contribute a new perspective to the nascent methodology of war and peace studies in ethnomusicology, based mainly on an ethnographic study of the effects of the recent war and post-war peace situations on the performing arts in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam (Aceh), and including brief comparisons with some other wars. After reviewing the study of war- and peace-related performing arts in ethnomusicology, she will introduce the history of the performing arts in Aceh's recent wars as a preface to an account of the arts during its most recent war (1976-2005) and the ensuing peace. She will then discuss the general methodology of research into the performing arts in times of war and times of peace. In 2005 the people of this northernmost province of Sumatra were still fighting a civil war between a separatist guerrilla force--the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan. Aceh Merdeka, GAM)--and the Indonesian Army (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, TNI), who were stationed around the province. The separatists' claim to independence was based on Aceh's sense of identity as a sovereign state, which was fueled by the perception that the central government was plundering Aceh's rich natural resources while returning only a tiny fraction of the profits to the province.
Kirschner, S. "Knowing Your Enemy: Information and Commitment Problems in Civil Wars." The Journal of Conflict Resolution 54, no. 5 (October 1, 2010): 745.
When do civil wars last especially long? Commitment problems can stymie conflict resolution but they are not homogeneous across all civil wars. Indeed, combatants' perceptions of their adversaries significantly affect the severity of commitment problems. Intergroup interactions provide combatants with one crucial type of information about their adversaries and about the risks associated with signing a peace settlement, shaping strategic decisions. The argument is tested against a new data set of all ethnic civil wars between 1945 and 2004. The results demonstrate that intergroup interactions prolong wars when they indicate that a peace deal will be especially fragile or that the costs of it breaking down will be especially high. This is true, regardless of the combatants' goals or their capabilities. In sum, information shapes perceptions and the severity of commitment problems, in turn affecting the duration of civil wars.
Marshall, R. "Peace Talks and Troop Withdrawals, But No Peace in Sight." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 29, no. 8 (November 1, 2010): 8-10.
A major obstacle to success of the peace talks is that Abbas cannot speak for a united Palestinian people. Since any agreement he signs will undoubtedly require cooperation from Hamas, logic suggests that its representatives be included in the talks.
Moran, M. "Gender, Militarism, and Peace-Building: Projects of the Postconflict Moment." Review. Annual Review of Anthropology 39, (January 1, 2010): 261.
Scholars have argued for decades about the relationship between biological sex and organized violence, but feminist analysts across numerous disciplines have documented the range and variety of gendered roles in times of war. In recent years, research has brought new understanding of the rapidity with which ideas about masculinity and femininity can change in times of war and the role of militarization in constructing and enforcing the meaning of manhood and womanhood. In the post-Cold War period, "new wars" (Kaldor 1999) have mobilized gender in multiple ways, and peace-building is often managed by external humanitarian organizations. A strange disconnect exists between the massive body of scholarly research on gender, militarism, and peace-building and on-the-ground practices in postconflict societies, where essentialized ideas of men as perpetrators of violence and women as victims continue to guide much program design.
Omer, M. "In Gaza, Apathy and Skepticism Over Peace Talks Abound." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 29, no. 8 (November 1, 2010): 14-15.
[..] explains Umm Fouad, a 46-year-old mother from Deir al Balah in the central Gaza Strip, "This is the only place for us to escape" the frequent electricity shortages and resulting sweltering interiors. Because the amount of fuel allowed into Gaza is not sufficient to operate the electrical transformers at full capacity, electricity shortages have became part of daily life here.
Shemesh, M. "On Two Parallel Tracks-The Secret Jordanian-Israeli Talks ( July 1967-September 1973)1." Israel Studies 15, no. 3 (October 1, 2010): 87-120,203.
The secret talks between Jordan and Israel began in 1963 and continued until the two countries signed the peace treaty in 1994. The talks are unique in the history of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The post-Six-Day War talks were held on two tracks: one between Yaakov Herzog, the Director of the PM's office and Zayd al-Rifa'i, King Hussein's private secretary; the second, on a higher level, between Israeli ministers Yigal Allon and Abba Eban and the king. The two sides moved on parallel lines that could never meet. Constraints on both sides contributed to the inevitable logjam. The king genuinely hoped to reach a peace with Israel based on the principles of the Arab Summit and his talks with Nasser. Israel, on the other hand, was reluctant to commit itself to enter into peace negotiations with Jordan, avoiding serious discussion on the principles of peace. Instead it presented the Allon Plan for discussion with the king. Thus, the gap in the positions on the talks' goals, in the components of the solution to the conflict and the peace settlement was unbridgeable. Despite this impasse both parties felt it was in their common interest to pursue the talks, which became a goal in itself. The gap was not only in the concept of peace and talks' objectives, but in all core issues related to peace, such as the territorial issue, especially the status of Jerusalem, and interpretation of UNSCR 242. With hindsight, the core issues in the solution to the West Bank remain unchanged, but the Palestinians replaced Jordan as the main Arab party to determining the future of the West Bank.
Stith, C. "Radical Islam in East Africa." Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 632, (November 1, 2010): 55.
Islam has a 1,000-year history in West Africa; in East Africa it is even longer. What started out as liberating efforts by Muslims in Africa degenerated into oppressive regimes over time. Over the centuries, conquest increasingly came to define Islam's approach in Africa. How Africa manages its necessity to accommodate Islamic elements in its midst is one of the continent's most daunting challenges. On the one hand, the region is home to a substantial number of Muslims. On the other hand, there is a connection between religious radicalism and poverty. Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete, a Muslim, suggested that if belief is the potential seed of radicalism, then poverty is the fertilizer. Overcoming the factional divide within Islam is important because the fissures are latent in countries with large Islamic populations. How Africa manages this challenge has profound long-term implications for peace, stability, and development on the continent.
Sucharov, M. "The Israeli Peace Movement: A Shattered Dream." Review. Political Science Quarterly 125, no. 3 (October 1, 2010): 549-551.
Sucharov reviews The Israeli Peace Movement: A Shattered Dream by Tamar S. Hermann.
Suh, J. "THREE FAILURES OF THE PAST, THREE STRUCTURES OF PEACE*." Asian Perspectives 34, no. 2 (January 1, 2010): 201-III.
Suh examines the past efforts to denuclearize the Korean peninsula in order to identify the root causes of their failure and a way to overcome them. He identifies the three failures of past efforts that led to North Korea's nuclear tests in 2006 and 2008, and suggests that if the three mistakes are repeated, the region will slide back into insecurity. In conclusion, he proposes concrete measures that can be adopted in the immediate future in order to jumpstart the stalled negotiations and move forward to building the three peace structures.
Whitbeck, J. "Two States, One Holy Land: A Framework For Peace." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 29, no. 8 (November 1, 2010): 22-23.
Might it not still be possible to blend the practical and psychological preferences of both peoples for a two-state solution with some of the best aspects of a humane one-state solution to produce a vision of a possible future so bright and appealing that both Israelis and Palestinians would be inspired to act on their hopes and dreams, rather than their memories and fears, and to seize this future together and make it a reality? Israelis, Palestinians and the true friends of both must now resist the temptation to despair, raise their sights and pursue a compelling vision of a society so much better than the status quo that both Israelis and Palestinians are inspired to accept in their hearts and minds that peace is both desirable and attainable, that the Holy Land can be shared, that a winner-take-all approach produces only losers, that both Israelis and Palestinians must be winners or both will continue to be losers, and that there is a common destination at which both peoples would be satisfied to arrive and to live together.
Wiedenhoft Murphy, W. "Touring the Troubles in West Belfast: Building Peace or Reproducing Conflict?" Peace & Change 35, no. 4 (October 1, 2010): 537-560.
This article examines the development of tourism in West Belfast, Northern Ireland, and explores the extent to which tourism builds peace or reproduces processes of past conflict. Data were collected through semistructured interviews with tour managers and tour guides that include West Belfast in their itineraries and participant observations of tours conducted in West Belfast in the summer of 2007. The findings from this data suggest that while tourism there is reproducing some processes of past conflict, particularly territoriality, it has the potential to build cross-community relationships.
kampmark, B. ""No Peace with the Hohenzollerns": American Attitudes on Political Legitimacy towards Hohenzollern Germany, 1917-1918." Diplomatic History 34, no. 5 (November 1, 2010): 769-791.
Kampmark discusses the foreign policy of the Woodrow Wilson administration toward Germany toward the end of World War I. American diplomats developed a hard-line attitude bent on reshaping the German government into something less militaristic and more democratic.
Heinz Fischer. "Austria's Priorities for Implementing the Millennium Development Goals." Hampton Roads International Security Quarterly: 4 / 2010 (October 1, 2010): 1415.
The fate of women affected by armed conflicts and their role in peace building processes continues to be one of the priorities of Austria's policy in development cooperation. Implementing the objectives of Security Council Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security in the daily work of the Security Council remains a priority during our membership in the Security Council.
Adamthwaite, A. "Yalta: The Price of Peace." Review. The Journal of Military History 74, no. 4 (October 1, 2010): 1324-1325.
Adamthwaite reviews Yalta: The Price of Peace by S. M. Plokhy.
Anonymous. "Publishers' Page." The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 29, no. 8 (November 1, 2010): 7.
Cohen's Words Apply to Palestinians As Well. Since the "peace process" began nearly two decades ago, Washington has asked Palestinians to wait patiently for a final peace treaty-after leaders decide on yet another "framework" agreement that would lay out the main compromises each side would need to make (see Uri Avnery's analysis on p. 11).


